Tag: buhari

  • Open Letter to Mr. President

    Open Letter to Mr. President

    Dear Mr. President,

    You seem to be changing each passing day, each passing day. Our collective dreams about you are no longer quiet as they seem, no longer as quiet as they seem. Prior to 2015 election, we never felt like this, never. Now we are feeling more disappointed these ills are coming from you. We are opening up everyday seeing some strange principalities coming from you, are they demons you can’t leave behind? You are looking and acting strangely different.

    We wanted more than this from you Mr. Integrity, that’s why our pain and disappointment are impossible to ignore, impossible to ignore. This that is coming from you is an impossible attitude, an impossible attitude.

    And now we are telling you openly, our hearts are broken. You have become what we can’t define. A totally changed man, so insensitive and so unkind. That’s what you have become. You have become everything we do not wish for.

    You were supposed to be the concept of service and love. Please come talk to us, what’s on your mind? Do not listen to sychophants; why can’t you no longer hold on to the concept of service and love? Why do you now take power as if it is between life and death, as it is for sinners and infidels? Why are your footfalls going backwards? We can no longer hear you.

    We are no longer free and wide open to our thoughts; we now leave in perpetual fear even when we close our eyes to the things happening under you. We have been trying to control ourselves, so please don’t stand on our ways, we have waited for 3 years and there is a climax coming our way, we are no longer fond of you.

    Don’t you analysize and tabulize the magic of the revolution to come? There is war in Syria and Libya, can’t you see the rage is building up, the rage from us all? This is not worth it anymore as we are descending into paths of destruction and war. We can’t take it anymore.

    So return to where you came from because of this embarrassment, this harassment and this decadence.

    We are free to decide and we shall give you our word when the time comes, so please come away with your footfalls, go back to where you come from, go back to where you come from, you have enough time in your hands.

    Elempe Dele

  • Going to the USA is not a constitutional criterion to contest for President

    Going to the USA is not a constitutional criterion to contest for President

    We have heard and continue to hear about presidential hopeful Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Waziri Adamawa going to the United States of America (USA) before he can contest or be voted for. I am alarmed that this went viral even with the knowledge that this is not a criterion to contest for the seat of President, nowhere in the Nigeria Constitution is it stated.
     

    Some say he is on a list, such list has never been produced nor submitted for public viewing, neither has a document or instrument charging him to a USA court for corruption been produced nor is there a warrant for his arrest from any agency here and abroad. He has not been invited by the Economic Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), and he never been indicted for any crime.
     

    Bad news travels fast and far, and the opposition has seen it fit to use the grapevine to taint his image, knowing fully well that many Nigerians go by what they hear and many do not verify information nor ask questions before they believe.
     

    Like any other Nigerian who wishes to travel out of Nigeria to a foreign country on a Nigerian Passport, a visa is required, he must submit his passport to the embassy in question and they may or not approve a visa for him. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar has traveled on many occasions to several countries including America as an ordinary citizen and as Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
     

    What has changed? There is a new sheriff in town called Donald Trump who dislike immigrants though a product of an immigrant family. A white supremacist, who came up with radical policies concerning immigration that even Americans disagree with. Nigeria is obviously a target, some have disgraced Nigeria by participating in fraudulent activities, and of course President Buhari who went about telling the world that Nigerians are corrupt forgetting that he too is a Nigerian. Trump has on more one occasion insulted the African continent, the black race and specifically Nigeria. In the first part of Trump being in office, he placed Nigeria on a list; Nigerians were harassed and disgraced at US entry points, some sent back even with visas or green cards. This harassment and molestation of Nigerians is still going on.
     

    So let’s get the record straight, void of any evidence to prove any wrongdoing by the Waziri Adamawa, this matter should be laid to rest and real politics played. May the best man win.

     

     

    Omololu Ojehomon

  • President Buhari’s Eroding Democratic Values in Nigeria

    President Buhari’s Eroding Democratic Values in Nigeria

    To those who know a lot about political engineering and democratic manifestations, would admit that the president is in an effort mission to undermine democratic values in the country. The consequence of this experimental disintegration might be too severe to compensate if the trend is not discarded. The level of his impunity and disregard for the rule of law is not only shocking, but severe, and this has been diagnosed by democratic watchdogs all over the world including Amnesty International and the US State Department. And this endangered institution has been under severe attack since 2015.

    Since 2015, Buhari has unleashed war on perceived enemies which some had termed ‘WITCH HUNTING.’ Never in the history of Nigeria, except under his former master, Abacha, has any president used law enforcement agencies for his personal political favours like Buhari is doing today that we sit in the arena of modern day democracy. We can only look at the Senator Dino Melaye’s case, a modern cult hero in Nigeria and a critic of the Buhari led administration, to see the cooperation and collusion between Buhari and these agencies of government. He is using them to attack and silence those who criticize the government by creating a dark climate of fear.

    As if this is not enough, his absolute disregard of the separation of powers of the three arm of government has become a talking point on a likely Constitutional Crisis if not discouraged. A while ago, the president withdrew monies from the federation’s account to allegedly purchase military hardwares from the United States of America without consulting the nation’s National Assembly or seeking their constitutional approval. That’s a gross violation of the constitution which is an impeachable offense.

    I think what people are worried about, taking examples from history, is that under Buhari, a one time dreadful dictator back in the 80s, Nigeria is again tittering towards autocracy and totalitarianism. What is happening now, if unchecked, would leave the country to move progressively towards having an all-powerful president, and when such a leader continue to engage in his undemocratic nuisances and there is no resistance from the people, his powers are further enhanced. And once he has these powers, he takes more undemocratic actions. (The gods that feed on blood are restless)

    Most of Buhari’s action today are abnormal under democratic dispensation, especially the nascent version, and a lot of them are unprecedented and dangerous. No wonder the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Onnoghen said recently that any government disobeying court orders is inviting anarchy. He was referring directly to the government of President Buhari.

    The law enforcement agencies ought to be apolitical. It’s under Buhari you will see law enforcement agents that are directly involved in the politics of the day, pitching tent with the ruling party to the chagrin of taxpayers. It is a democratic norm that their activities be under law, (not under political parties) including under the watch of the National Assembly’s oversight functions, as well as other basic values such as conflict of interest and government staying away from influencing their activities – all these are parts of the essential elements of the rule of law, which is key to any modern functioning democracy. But in Nigeria, what we have is a voodoo democracy.

    There are listless undemocratic things happening in Nigeria today perpetuated by the government directly and indirectly but somehow, the infrastructure of justice, which are the courts and dissenting voices have been holding up thus far. Despite Buhari’s attacks, people have continued to speak up for and support democratic values and norms. It was the people who spoke against the illegal reinstatement of the criminal fugitive, Maina, before he was let loose from the civil service into the wild. Non-governmental organizations and other busybodies have been showing their displeasures, and to me, that’s a testament to justice.

    Whether or not these violations of democratic values will continue would depend on what happens at the 2019 presidential polls. And the question of whether this violations will continue also depend on the continuous reactions of the sensitive people. I do not believe Buhari can dent our democracy forever even if he wins in 2019, which is unlikely though. For power is not eternal. But I think Buhari would continue now to violate these values as far as he is in power for self-interest. And if after 2019 he ends up badly, which is very likely, owing to his undemocratic values, and other infractions, then whoever will take over from him will be deterred from indulging in these things, and we might even witness a strengthening of these democratic values and its institutions.

    What we are faced with today in Nigeria is a quiet radical and undemocratic negation and gross violation to which we hold President Buhari responsible for his dangerous and retrogressive high-stake experiment.

     

    Elempe Dele

  • Is the trial of Chief Dan Orbih, Shekarau and the others, not one of the entire Nigerian political class?

    Is the trial of Chief Dan Orbih, Shekarau and the others, not one of the entire Nigerian political class?

    The rumor slowly but steadily made the rounds. It then gained momentum that the APC controlled Federal Government planned to put many political opponents on trial for allegedly spending public funds on political campaigns, as part of the “fight” against corruption. Unsuspecting members of the public welcomed it.

    The likes of Oliseh Metuh who was at one time Publicity Secretary of PDP and a few others were arrested. They were thereafter arraigned in a court of law.

    Metuh was accused of receiving money traceable to the Office of the National Security Adviser. There was a huge applause. Suddenly, it dawned on President Buhari and his Government that such involvement was amongst persons few and far between. There was no significant political capital to be made out of such exercise. They changed the narrative in the middle of the game.

    The chase shifted to any political opponent who purportedly shared campaign funds. It didn’t matter whether it was public funds or purpose-driven generated private funds for a political event. As far as this Government was concerned, any politician who is said to have distributed campaign-funds in support of PDP in the 2015 presidential election and refused to decamp to the ruling APC is a thief who should be in jail. For those who could not stand the heat, they got the message and did the needful. Their sins were quickly forgiven. For those who remained faithful to their political party, they became endangered species.

    So the likes of Chief Dan Orbih who is chairman of PDP in Edo State and Pastor Ize-Iyamu who was PDP’s governorship candidate in the same State were arrested and charged before the Federal High court in Benin City by EFCC, the persecution agency of Buhari’s Government. Elsewhere, HE Shekarau of Kano State PDP, HE Shagari of Sokoto State PDP were arrested with others and similarly arraigned in the same court in their respective States for the same reason.

    Their crime is that they are believed to have distributed campaign funds in excess of five million naira contrary to section 1(a) of the Money Laundering Prohibition Act 2011 ( As amended by the 2012 Act) in 2015. This time around, it was clearly established that the funds that they allegedly distributed were from donations and contributions by individuals and private companies and ware-housed by one of the Commercial banks. The bank undertook to distribute the said funds to the various States using their outlets nation wide. The donated funds received by the various PDP chapters were distributed through the chain of party hierarchy down the line for campaigns and the eventual general elections of 2015.

    There was no difference in the preparations of APC. As a party, it raised funds from individuals, private companies and even from Public sources from the States of the Federation within their control. By charging the PDP operatives with money laundering, is the Buhari Government suggesting that members of APC and those of other political parties never distributed such funds for campaign and election purposes during the period under reference?They can tell that to the marines. The other parties distributed funds likewise.

    How were the funds that delegates received in Lagos during the APC primaries that produced President Buhari shared? Were they distributed to their delegates through financial institutions? How did APC distribute the funds which were used during the primaries of the party that produced Governor Obaseki in Edo State as candidate of the party and the governorship election that followed? His challengers in the primaries cried out at the time that they were outspent with most delegates receiving about #300,000 each. Over 2000 delegates received that amount at different locations within Edo State from various sharing points where hundred of millions of naira were disbursed.

    Only recently in Ekiti, the APC primaries were fought with naira for naira. One candidate came into the State with loads of money worth hundreds of millions of naira. The money was shared in cash to the delegates before the said primaries. What was different from what they did in Ekiti and what the PDP stalwarts now on trial did with the campaign funds raised for that purpose? None, I believe.

    As far as I know, the use of cash to induce delegates for primary tickets of political parties is not peculiar to PDP. In the same vein, the distribution of funds by cash to prepare for campaigns and elections in Nigeria is also not limited to PDP as a political party. They are common to all the parties. They all do it and are perhaps preparing to do it again in 2019.

    Any Government that wishes to be taken seriously by citizens under its watch, must largely uphold the rule of law in a constitutional democracy like ours. One of the non-negotiable elements of the rule of law is equality before the law. In other words, every one must be treated equally before the law irrespective of class, creed, religion, tribe or political party affiliation. Sadly, this is not the case in our country.

    If the Buhari regime really means business about trying stalwarts of political parties for money laundering each time they distribute sums of money over five million naira as campaign funds, the government would need to build many more prison yards to accommodate the hundreds of political leaders who help political parties to distribute billions of naira nation wide for both intra-party and inter-party political contest. If that were so, President Buhari may just find out that more than half of those that would populate the prison yards are his party men and women. That is how bad it is.

    It amounts to sheer hypocrisy and cheap competition tactics for President Buhari’s Government to hound his challengers for political power by raising criminal charges against them in respect of political practices that the ruling party itself has perfected. If President Buhari really wants to fight corruption, he should turn his attention to the Police, Civil Service, Parastatals, CBN and its foreign exchange deals, NNPC and its questionable transactions. They are all still in business as usual as nothing has changed. The only substantial difference is that the circle of looters of public funds has narrowed down to a few, while the the hunger and want of the populace appears to be on the increase.

    To the political party stalwarts who are on trial for money laundering for distributing campaign funds made available to them by their party, they should weep not. Their real crime is their challenge for power and not the distribution of campaign funds which the entire political class, including the President’s party men freely engage in. They are only a metaphor for the entire political class which in my own opinion is on trial for what they are reputed for. Its all crass policy hypocrisy and Nigerians know it.

     

     

    Dr. West-Idahosa.

  • BUHARI’S GOVERNMENT IS SUBSIDIZING FUEL? CAN THIS BE TRUE?

    BUHARI’S GOVERNMENT IS SUBSIDIZING FUEL? CAN THIS BE TRUE?

    Words coming out from the relevant Senate Committee looking into the recent scarcity of fuel nation wide maintain that the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources claims that fuel (PMS) is being subsidized at 145 naira per liter. This is quite strange from a government that fought fuel subsidy as an opposition party.

    At the time Nigerians were enjoying the price of 87 naira per liter of PMS, due to government subsidy, this government (then in opposition) came up with the theory that subsidy was an outlet for stealing public funds by political and petrol industry operators. They claimed to have withdrawn it and put the price at 145 naira per liter, with the impression given that the price adjustment would be the final bye-bye to fuel scarcity. They painted the picture that the new price would enable importers to freely import products and promote competition in the industry. They celebrated this feat widely in advance. Many embraced the forlorn hope.

    Two and a half years down the line, the story has changed. Now, petrol is landing at 171 naira and that 145 naira per liter is no longer sustainable. The government has even added that NNPC has been subsidizing the cost of a liter of PMS with 26 naira due to the increase in the cost of forex. What a policy somersault.

    Let me ask the government the following questions;

    1. What made subsidy questionable under the previous regime that makes it correct under Buhari? Is this not the definition of hypocrisy?

    2. Whose duty is it to stabilize the exchange rate and work to bring it to acceptable limits?

    3. Why does the government think that the cost of fuel must become reserved for the rich only? At 145 naira, many cannot fill their petrol tanks. They buy in small quantities.

    4. Does the present hardship of our countrymen and women give joy to the Buhari government?

    5. What has happened to the promise of rehabilitation of existing refineries to reduce importation of petrol products?

    6. What has happened to the promise of building more refineries if the government was elected vide APC?

    7. Where is the congruence between words and action as promised?

    It is now clear that the public has been hoodwinked into believing that that this government had the capacity to turn water into fuel and make it abundant at an affordable price. The public now knows it was a mirage. Time will tell whether the public has learnt any lesson from this or whether they would be susceptible to another round of delusive opium. In all of this, this government owes the previous regime some apology for demonizing it over a policy that they now openly operate.

    Dr. West-Idahosa

  • CAN OTHER GOVERNMENT AGENCIES TRY JUDICIAL OFFICERS FOR ANY FORM OF MISCONDUCT?

    CAN OTHER GOVERNMENT AGENCIES TRY JUDICIAL OFFICERS FOR ANY FORM OF MISCONDUCT?

    Section 153 of the 1999 constitution provides for the establishment of the National Judicial council (NJC). The functions of NJC are set out in paragraphs b & d of Item 21 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution and includes the exercise of disciplinary control over judicial officers. This is the umbrella upon which the NJC frequently subjects judicial officers to disciplinary processes which may lead to reprimand, suspension, freeze of promotion or dismissal in some cases. However, section 158 of the same constitution does not allow the NJC’s activities to be subject to the control or direction of any other authority or person.

     

    NJC’s 2014 Judicial Discipline Regulations describes misconduct as one prejudicial to effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts or any conduct described as misconduct in the Constitution and Code of Conduct of judicial officers.

     

    Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution provides for the Code of Conduct of public officers. Paragraphs 6 & 8 prohibits public officers from receiving gifts for something done or undone in the discharge of his duties and no one is entitled to bribe them to discharge their duties. Public officers covered by the said Code of Conduct includes all judicial officers as contained in part 2 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution. The Code of Conduct Tribunal is set up to punish those in breach of any of the provisions of such code.

     

    Apparently, flowing from its disciplinary powers, NJC is positioned to deal with a breach of the Code of Conduct by judicial officers arising from their job. One of such is bribery in any form. Since the Constitution vests the power to discipline judicial officers on both the NJC or Code of Conduct Tribunal, either of them can exercise this power over serving judges, although it appears more convenient for NJC to do so on account if its greater preparedness for such activities.

     

    Allegations bothering on bribery of judicial officers flow from the discharge of their duties. They are not ordinary crimes. They bother on breaches of the code of conduct and oath of office contained in the constitution. They have to be dealt with in accordance with the method prescribed by the constitution.

     

    It does not mean that a judicial officer duly dealt with according to law and dismissed cannot be prosecuted by appropriate authorities for the crime of bribery under our criminal justice system. Judicial misconduct is sue generis and being in a class of its own, cannot be treated like any other crime. This is not peculiar to Nigeria. Some countries even have the The Court of the Judiciary where such matters are dealt with. The state of Tennessee in the US has such a court for dealing with judicial misconduct. In Canada, the the court of the judiciary investigates allegations of misconduct and recommends to parliarment, which has the ultimate power of removal as discipline.

     

    There is no doubt that the dominance of judges in NJC may lead to a perception that judges are getting off. This can have an adverse effect on public opinion confidence. Notwithstanding this,
    many judges have been nailed by NJC. The most important thing is for victims of judicial misconduct to have the courage to send petitions to the appropriate body and be guaranteed that they would not be victimized directly or otherwise by the judicial system.

    This is a personal opinion.

     

    Dr. Ehiogie West-Idahosa.

  • 2019 IN PERSPECTIVE; THE BUHARI REGIME AND CERTAIN CHARACTERISTICS

    2019 IN PERSPECTIVE; THE BUHARI REGIME AND CERTAIN CHARACTERISTICS

    Let me start by stating that political parties in Nigeria have no perceptible ideological divide. I expressed my views on this in a previous piece on platform mobility. The political parties exist in fulfillment of constitutional requirement as the only organ that can sponsor candidates for elections in Nigeria. They are barely able to control their elected officers and depend on government and a few moguls to fund their activities. As a consequence, political successes are predicated on the capacity and character of individual actors in Nigeria.

     

    Let me make certain positions clear before going further:

     

    1.  I have nothing against the age of president Buhari or that of former vice-president Atiku.

     

    I am not sure there is a problem with the age of any legally qualified person as long as such a person is mentally and physically fit enough to hold office.

     

    2.  I do not hold any of them in contempt. I supported President Buhari’s government until recent events in the policy cycle.

     

    President Buhari was a former military head of State and once presided over Nigeria’s oil sector. With the benefit of such background, he had more than enough exposure to rule Nigeria from day one upon his election in 2015. In addition, he had the benefit of running for office three times before he won on the fourth attempt if I am correct. In other words, he had nearly 16 years to prepare to be president. Against this background, much was expected from him in the area of policy making, implementation and monitoring. Many also expected that he would have been comfortably abreast with the economic and socio-political dynamics of our country. From the evidence on ground, he doesn’t appear to have measured up, even half way, with the broad expectations of the Nigerian people who voted massively for him. I will deal with a few areas briefly, due to need to promote brevity for want of time.

     

    SECURITY & WELFARE

     

    Section 14 (1) (b) of the Constitution provides that our country shall be a state founded on democracy and social justice with the security and welfare of the people being the primary purpose of government. Can we say that this obligation is being met under this regime? I do not think so. This regime was voted in as a corrective one, not a story telling one. The public was aware of the problem with Nigeria before mandating this regime to do the needful. This is the basis upon which a logical assessment can be done.

     

    It is conceded that some meaningful work has been done in the war against boko haram but the events of the group lately question the efficacy of the methodology adopted in this fight. With hundreds continuing to die innocently in the hands of this group, this campaign cannot be regarded as durably successful. An approach review is a desideratum.

     

    Whatever the gains of government in the Boko haram efforts, they lost it with Fulani herdsmen. Buhari is the best placed person to deal with this menace. Apart from his office, he is fulani himself. Yet he is unable to summon the courage to call his brethren to order. He cannot even set up a national commission to find lasting solution to this threat to Peace nation wide. How can a group of people move around with so much illegal weapon and kill men and women on the slightest provocation? Why should a group of people kill freely nation wide without remorse or fear of the law? The herdsmen obstinacy is an impetus of the Buhari regime. It was a scanty and localized threat before then. This is a major dent to the image of the regime.

     

    I need not tell anyone about the spirally geometric increase in kidnapping, armed robbery, human trafficking and ritualism nation wide. These crimes have always been around. The dimension that they have assumed smacks of official complicity by law enforcement agents. Coming from a regime like this, it is a let down. Imagine the number of lives that have been lost to perpetrators of this crime unchallenged. These are products if institutional failure that no one else but Buhari should take the blame for it.

     

    Today, many live in fear and suspicion. Life is no longer sacred. It is daily illegally terminated. Just like a discarded piece of toilet paper. Most of the victims are from the masses who are ironically the center of Buhari’s rise to power. There seem to be no end to this crises as it is closely connected to the social order. With more than three million dislocated from the Labour market and more Libyan refugees coming back home, we would need a miracle not to witness a further increase in this direction. With the type of police we still have, we may need serious fasting to avert a complete breakdown of law and order. Nothing has been done about the police. We all know this. When Buhari came, the police pretended for a few weeks and on seeing that he was not as capable as they thought, they are back in full swing. They are three times worse than they were before Buhari. Ask the public about this.

     

    ECONOMY

    YES, we are in a recession. It may be true that previous regimes did not do certain things correctly but there was a promise to do it right by Buhari. Did he get it right? He took 6 months to appoint about average ministers, prohibited the operation of domicilliary accounts and that pushed the dollar underground in a free world order. What did he expect? He got a bloody nose. Of course his poor communication skill pushed oil production down in the Niger-Delta due to increased Militant activities, until regional leaders intervened. While this was on, government lost revenue and recession crept in.

     

    It is correct that oil prices dropped and there was additional loss of revenue, but the choice of his cabinet did not help matters. A regime, whose leader so much chastised his predecessor in office ended up retaining many arrow heads of that regime and from the same political party that President Buhari discredited. It was clear evidence of a huge deficit in talent hunting and a demonstration of the act of double speaking.

     

    The perception held by many international rating agencies of the economic policies of President Buhari, is one of policy epilepsy and therefore hardly would recommend our economy to foreign investors. From a promise of creating three million jobs or so, this government has caused the loss of about the same figure of jobs due to lack of more creative ways of growing the economy. For example, limiting most categories of official cars to INNOSON cars alone would have created a boom in the auto industry and encouraged more people to invest there. Instead, billions of Naira are wasted on land cruisers, Lexus and prado jeeps, etc, for all sorts of public officers even during a recession. I will leave this alone for now.

     

    INDISCIPLINE

     

    It is not difficult to understand why there is so much policy failure by this regime. Just figure out the following:

     

    1.  SSS stops Buhari’s nominnee for EFCC chair in the senate and nothing happens.

     

    2.  Minister of Petroleum fights NNPC’s GMD in public over insubordination and non compliance with due process.

     

    3.  HOS accuses HON. AG of complicity in reinstatement of Maina. The same AG meets Maina in Dubai at a time when he was on the wanted list of criminals.

     

    4.  IGP maintains that he has the right to engage in romance with female police officers.

     

    5.  Opulent living style by many government officers during a recession that has led to the death of many and dislocation of many more.

    I would reserve my comments on the anti-corruption campaign, if indeed there is one for another write up. In my part two of this series, I will deal with Atiku and his ATIKULATION.

     

    Dr. West-Idahosa

  • IS PLATFORM MOBILITY THE REASON FOR POOR GOVERNANCE?

    IS PLATFORM MOBILITY THE REASON FOR POOR GOVERNANCE?

    By Dr. West-Idahosa

     

    Nigeria’s independence was not the product of any tough or ideological struggle. It came as a result of Britain’s political decision to let a number of countries off the hook following the popular crave for independence at that time. Nigeria happened to be one of them. There were no strong ideologies like the type that existed in some former colonies that got their political emancipation through ” blood and iron”.

    The early set of political elites probably founded their political parties on some sort of development theories. NPC was anchored on a catch-up- the south development prototype. Action Group was predicated on populist welfarism and NCNC on nationalism. Even then, the advent of decamping gained prominence in the then western region, when Action Group is believed to have instigated indigenes of the region to leave other parties for ethnic reasons. Nationalists like Azikiwe who had won elections in the west were left in bewilderment.

    Subsequent generations of politicians diminished in character and preparedness for real governance. The decline of the political environment led to the militarization of governance with the Babaginda era signposting the final fall of official morality. The post Babangida era politicians came in with an inherent settlement culture that commercialized the electorate at a time when everyone was expectant of a share of the national cake. The public became less interested in the quality of governance as long as their votes were procured.

    The political parties became zonked in patrimonialism and side effects like godfatherism, impunity, imposition, purchase of party tickets etc became characteristic of the partisan political system. Those who were lucky to occupy the positions of power and influence schemed to exclude rivals from the centre of control. Dominant elites squeezed life out of challenging elites.

    The survival struggles promoted platform mobility which enabled politicians to search for platforms of convenience. It must be remembered that the 4th Republic which has been the longest, started with the likes of Bola Ige preparing the manifesto of PDP, APP and AD in the same spirit but different semantics. There was no real difference. Ige and his co-travelers left PDP on the excuse that there were unwanted elements in their midst. They formed APP. They again left for the same reason and formed AD.

    The seed of platform mobility which they sowed germinated into a home grown acceptable political behavior. Innumerable number of politicians have benefited from this over the years. It can no longer be regarded as an aberration or can it be credited for the failure of any elected public officer in office. This practice existed before 1999 and has remained thereafter. There are very few real political operatives in our country who may not have changed their platforms. The likely reason for that may be that they are members of the clique that manipulate the party’s control apparatus. Once they lose it, they too may be on the move.

    The public is aware of this behavior and seem to have endorsed it over the years by continually voting for politicians without any regard for his platform history. This is clearly a ratification of such practice, which by evolution is now part of the political culture of our country.

    Can this be the reason why some public officers let the electorate down after being elected to office? Certainly not. Public officers fail for for many reasons. Some have no capacity to cope with the large demands from the office they occupy. Others are too neck deep in their plan to enrich themselves and nothing else matters to them than their plot to steal the nation dry. A category of elected officials are slaves to nepotism. They think corruption is all about stealing money and turn government appointments and contracts into a theater of mediocrity. Of course, they end up failing.

    Most elected executives end up larger than the political parties that sponsored them. They fail to consult with the parties or even glance at the manifestos of such parties. They maintain an olympian aloofness from their political parties. What a pity! The parties may have created their own irrelevance in the political system that we operate. When party leaders and delegates are paid to fly their parties’ tickets and sometimes by all manner of people, what really do they expect from such commercial contractual mandate? Can you eat your political cake and have same? I am sure you cannot.

    Platform mobility is not the problem with Nigeria’s political system. It is a mere symptom of other underlining political problems. We must look deeply into the causes of such mobility in order to proffer pragmatic solutions to the real problems with our political system in the hope that we can achieve our dream of an egalitarian society.

  • IBORI: HERO OR CRIMINAL

    IBORI: HERO OR CRIMINAL

    The question of whether IBORI is a hero or criminal has been settled by a British court. Following his conviction  and sentence for money laundering and related financial crimes, it is no longer open to debate that he did not commit crime. However, IBORI has served his prison term. He has atoned for his crime and is open to reintegration by the society. That is what those planning a grand reception for him are hoping to achieve. There are many worse than IBORI in this society who are still roaming the streets of Nigeria as public officers. Are there no  serving and former Governors, Ministers, Permanent Secretaries and other head of parastatals who bled the country dry that have not been tried in Nigeria or else where? Is there no senator who escaped from  criminal trial in the UK and still serving as a senator? Are there no Nigerians who are covered with perpetual injunction of Law Courts, from being investigated for any crime committed while they served in public office? Why are we so worried about Ibori who has received his fair share of punishment on earth for his sins? Our people often say that if a man sees a snake and a woman kills it, it is good as long as the snake is dead. If the legal system in Nigeria could not deal with Ibori and the Uk system did, blame our system. IBORI cannot be subjected to double jeopardy. His case is closed. Those who want to celebrate him are free to do so. There are people who worship the devil on earth. It is their right in a circular state like ours.
    Why are some worried that IBORI  is being celebrated by his own beneficiaries? One man’s meat is another’s poison. He certainly is not a model of moral excellence. There are many deltans who consider him their best governor since 1999. He did well with infrastructure, community relations, geographical spread of political offices and so on and so forth. He is still preferred  by many to Uduaghan and even the serving governor, Okowa. Others like me see him as a political Robin Hood who stole from government to empower a lot of people. A friend of mine lamented recently, that since the regime of Ibori, he had not been awarded a penny’s contract from Delta State Government despite being a registered contractor with proven records. He said that the irony is that he did not  and still does know IBORI in person. His good will is enormous and  he is politically sagacious. In many ways he is s political convict. He was convicted because he tampered with public funds as a political office holder. He got conviction because he was not favoured  by President’s Jonathan regime and ran to UAE where he was nailed by international police. Those who were worse than Ibori  but were lucky with the President Jonathan remained in Nigeria and continued the business of public looting. If Ibori had been a darling of the same regime, there would have been no need to go to Dubai. He too would have remained here like a political lord of the manor that he is in Nigeria. This is the truth. Hate it or like it.
    Ibori has been dealt with. Let’s face the grass cutters of change. They are in this Government making and implementing policies that deny IDP’s  needed funds to keep them alive arising from our failure to deal with needless insurgency early enough. Let’s deal with monetary policy makers who have turned FOREX to the new deal and creating billionaires from doing nothing other than trading in scarce foreign exchange to the detriment of our local manufacturers, importers of high technology, foreign students,  life saving medical trips etc. let us secure the conviction of those genuine thieves who are standing criminal trial in our courts based on the rule of law; not the horde of innocent persons being tried for their past political roles on the pretext of having committed financial crimes. There are some real economic criminals in Nigeria today and are making our economic recovery efforts difficult. Government should get them and put them behind bars. Some of them are Ministers  in the Government while others are in the Central Bank, NNPC, Customs, FIRS and so on. This is the job at hand ,  not James IBORI.
    Dr. Ehiogie West-Idahosa.
    ( Lawyer and former member of the House of Representatives1999-2011).
  • Buhari Government DÉJÀ VU or COINCIDENCE

    Buhari Government DÉJÀ VU or COINCIDENCE

    – Brigadier General Joshua Nimyel Dogonyaro’s address to the Nation on the overthrow of Major General Buhari’s government – Tuesday, 27th August, 1985.

    – Please Pay attention to the CAPITALIZED phrases!

    Fellow countrymen,

    The intervention of the military at the end of 1983 was welcomed by the nation with unprecedented enthusiasm. Nigerians were unified in accepting the intervention and looked forward hopefully to progressive changes for the better.

    Almost two years later, it has become clear that the FULFILLMENT OF EXPECTATIONS IS NOT FORTHCOMING. Because this generation of Nigerians and indeed future generations have no other country but Nigeria, we could not stay passive and watch a small group of individuals’ misuse power to the detriment of our national aspirations and interest. No nation can ever achieve meaningful strides in its development where there is an absence of cohesion in the hierarchy of government; WHERE IT HAS BECOME CLEAR THAT POSITIVE ACTION BY THE POLICY MAKERS IS HINDERED BECAUSE AS A BODY IT LACKS A UNITY OF PURPOSE.

    IT IS EVIDENT THAT THE NATION WOULD BE ENDANGERED WITH THE RISK OF CONTINUOUS MISDIRECTION. We are presently confronted with that danger. In such a situation, if action can be taken to arrest further damage, it should and must be taken. This is precisely what we have done. THE NIGERIAN PUBLIC HAS BEEN MADE TO BELIEVE THAT THE SLOW PACE OF ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT HEADED BY MAJOR-GENERAL MUHAMMADU BUHARI was due to the enormity of the problems left by the last civilian administration. Although it is true that a lot of problems were left behind by the last civilian government, THE REAL REASON, HOWEVER, FOR THE VERY SLOW PACE OF ACTION IS DUE TO LACK OF UNANIMITY OF PURPOSE AMONG THE RULING BODY; subsequently, THE BUSINESS OF GOVERNANCE HAS GRADUALLY BEEN SUBJECTED TO ILL-MOTIVATED POWER PLAY CONSIDERATIONS.

    The ruling body, the Supreme Military Council, has, therefore, progressively been made redundant by the actions of a select few members charged with the day-to-day implementation of the SMC’s policies and decision. THE CONCEPT OF COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP HAS BEEN SUBSTITUTED BY STUBBORN AND ILLADVISED UNILATERAL ACTIONS, THEREBY DESTROYING THE PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH THE GOVERNMENT CAME TO POWER. #Brainlessness

    ANY EFFORT MADE TO ADVISE THE LEADERSHIP, MET WITH STUBBORN RESISTANCE AND WAS VIEWED AS A CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY OR DISLOYALTY. Thus, the scene was being set for systematic elimination of what, was termed oppositions. ALL THE ENERGIES OF THE RULERSHIP WERE DIRECTED AT THIS IMAGINARY OPPOSITION RATHER THAN TO EFFECTIVE LEADERSHIP. The result of this misdirected effort is now very evident in the country as a whole. The government has started to drift.

    THE ECONOMY DOES NOT SEEM TO BE GETTING ANY BETTER AS WE WITNESS DAILY INCREASED INFLATION. The nation’s meager resources are once again being WASTED ON UNPRODUCTIVE VENTURES. Government has distanced itself from the people and THE YEARNINGS AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE PEOPLE AS CONSTANTLY REFLECTED IN THE MEDIA HAVE BEEN IGNORED. This is because a few people have arrogated to themselves the right to make the decisions for the larger part of the ruling body.

    #Dejavu

    All these events have shown that the present composition of our country’s leadership cannot, therefore, justify its continued occupation of that position. Furthermore, the initial objectives and programmes of action which were meant to have been implemented since the ascension to power of the Buhari Administration in January 1984 have been betrayed and discarded. THE PRESENT STATE OF UNCERTAINTY AND STAGNATION CANNOT BE PERMITTED TO DEGENERATE INTO SUPPRESSION AND RETROGRESSION. We feel duty bound to use the resources and means at our disposal to restore hope in the minds of Nigerians and renew aspirations for a better future. WE ARE NO PROPHETS OF DOOM FOR OUR BELOVED COUNTRY, NIGERIA.

    #WhereisIBB

    We, therefore, count on everyone’s cooperation and assistance. I appeal to you, fellow countrymen, particularly my colleagues in arms to refrain from any act that will lead to unnecessary violence and bloodshed among us. Rest assured that our action is in the interest of the nation and the armed forces. In order to enable a new order to be introduced, the following bodies are dissolved forthwith pending further announcements: (a) The Supreme Military Council (b) The Federal Executive Council (c) The National Council of States. All seaports and airports are closed; all borders remain closed. Finally, a dusk to dawn curfew is hereby imposed in Lagos and all state capitals until further notice. All military commanders will ensure effective maintenance of law and order. Further announcements will be made in due course. God bless Nigeria